Brush Wolf Press
1113 Onstad Dr.
Marshfield, WI 54449

Brush Wolf Press was established in the spring of 2003 to publish Auschwitz Veterinarian: Five Years in the Death Camps by Tadeusz Kowalczyk, D.V.M.  Print copies of Auschwitz Veterinarian can be purchased from Brush Wolf Press for $3.50 each.  Bulk discounts are made for educational institutions.  Mailing costs, domestic and foreign, are included in the price. 

Brush Wolf Press is not actively seeking submissions at this time.  However, the editor is interested in reading personal accounts of World War Two prisoners of war, victims of the Holocaust, and survivors of the Nazi occupation.  Please contact by e-mail before sending materials.  Brush Wolf Press is a public interest press and inquiries should not be made with the anticipation of monetary profit. 

The complete text of Auschwitz Veterinarian follows.  The heirs of Dr. Kowalczyk invite duplication and distribution of the






Brush Wolf Press
1113 W. Onstad Dr.
Marshfield, WI, 54449 U.S.A

The heirs of Tadeusz Kowalczyk, D.V.M., have published Auschwitz Veterinarian: Five Years in the Death Camps as a memorial to his life and to the suffering of all the millions trapped in the horror of the Nazi death camps.

Auschwitz Veterinarian has been copyrighted to protect its integrity.  The heirs invite reproduction of the text in whole or in part, asking only the courtesy of being informed of its quotation or other use.  Additional copies may be purchased from Brush Wolf Press, 1113 W. Onstad Dr., Marshfield, WI 54449.  E-mail orders may be placed by contacting

Dr. Kowalczyk's heirs would like to thank Alden R. Carter for editing the manuscript for publication. His many books are listed at

Copyright © by the heirs of Tadeusz Kowalczyk
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America


I began my junior year in college living at a boarding house near the campus of the University of Wisconsin in Madison.  The majority of the boarders were, like me, students too poor to live in the dormitories.   Roommates were a necessary inconvenience: other young men usually seen only briefly in the course of a week filled with study and part-time jobs.   In 1949, the mix included some veterans of World War Two in school on the G. I. Bill but still young enough to share the occasional beer or double date.  So it was with the expectation of meeting someone more or less my own age that I opened the door to the room assigned me by the landlady.

Instead, a tall, slightly stooped man of about forty rose from a chair before a small desk and came hesitantly forward to offer a hand.  He introduced himself as Tadeuz Kowalczyk, explaining in awkward, heavily accented English that he was a veterinarian on the university staff.   When I stumbled on his name, he smiled.  “Please.  Call me Ted.”

I was hesitant about sharing a room with this old man, but in reality Ted and I didn’t see much of each other in the weeks that followed.  I worked hard, but no one worked harder than Ted.  He spent at least twelve hours a day, seven days a week, working in the Veterinary Science offices and laboratories.  He seemed a man driven to make up for lost time.  I began to understand why the evening I first noticed the concentration camp number tattooed to his left forearm.  I was both shocked and deeply moved.  The world was still reeling from the stories of the Nazi death camps.  And here I was, the son of the town clerk of a small Wisconsin town, living with a man who had survived the Holocaust and knew its terrors first hand.

Ted never talked directly about his past. During the rare hour we spent together, I pieced together a bare outline of his story from the occasional allusions to his life before the war and his years as a prisoner of the Nazis.  I grew to like Ted very much.  Beneath his old world reserve, he was a very kind and decent man.  Another man with his experiences might have assumed a bitter cynicism, but Ted engaged the world with forthright honesty shaded with a sly irony.  Sometime in that fall, I casually introduced him to my older sister Ellen, a graduate assistant in the mathematics department.  They began seeing each other and, the following summer, I lost a roommate and gained a brother-in-law.

Ellen and Ted lived in Madison during the twenty years they had together.   They had two children, Thomas and Elizabeth.  My wife, Bev, and I visited occasionally.  Ted was always a gracious host, still somewhat reserved but always interested in hearing the news of our family and discussing the goings-on in the world.  He had become an American citizen and took the duties and obligations citizenship entailed with great seriousness.  I’m afraid he was a rather remote parent and husband.  Part of that was, I think, simply an old-world attitude toward those roles.  But I believe he was also haunted through those years by his memories of the death camps. He found relief in gardening, the routine of an orderly family life, and particularly his work.   

His research at the university produced considerable improvements in husbandry.  He was among the world’s experts in gastric diseases in swine, the world’s most important food-source animal.  His work had important ramifications in the treatment of human gastric diseases because of the anatomical similarities in the two species.  It was not Ted’s way to speak of his work in grand terms.  But he was a man of intellectual depth and passion; and I believe he saw his work to improve life as a contribution that might, in some small way, counterbalance the immense evil he had seen revealed in the death camps.

Ted was a stubborn man.   I think it was a quality that had enabled him to survive in circumstances we can hardly imagine.  It also drove him to badger the West German government for a share of the monetary reparations granted to Holocaust survivors.  The money itself was a trivial matter, but for Ted its payment represented an official admission of guilt on the part of the German government.  And he was hell bent on having that apology. In 1963, he wrote the document that follows as part of his compensation claim.  To my knowledge, it was the first and only time he committed his recollections to paper.  After a prolonged battle with the bureaucracy in Germany and the United States State Department, Ted at last received his compensation of $1,800 and the admission of guilt it signified.

He never shared the details of his years in the camps with me or other close family members.  Perhaps the memories were too painful; or perhaps he thought he was sparing us the pain of hearing the story.   We knew that he had suffered and continued to suffer both mentally and physically. His years of torture, brutal labor, inadequate food, and little medical care had caused irrevocable damage to his health.  He had compensated with an iron determination to get on with the business of living.  But even his will could not triumph in the long term.  His health declined through the 1960’s, making him an old man before his time.  In 1970, he died during heart surgery.
Only after Ted’s death did Ellen show me the lengthy letter he had written in 1963 as part of his compensation claim.  As Ted no doubt feared, I was horrified.  That Ted’s case had been repeated millions of times in the Nazi death camps only increased my anguish and anger.  There are still a few people who would deny the reality of the Holocaust.  To them I say: Read Ted’s story.  If you can still tell me that the death camps were a fiction, then I say your denial puts you on same moral level as Hitler and all his monstrous henchmen.

For the readers of this book with the moral courage to deal with the truth, you have my respect.  Let us never forget.   Let us never let it happen again. 

Richard Olson,
Marshfield, Wisconsin
May 2003

From an undated note from Ellen Kowalczyk, widow of Dr. Kowalczyk, to her brother Richard Olson.

Dear Dick,
This is not at all easy reading, but it shows all Ted did to prove his case to the Germans. The end result was a mere $1800 for all those miserable years!

There is no doubt that we as a family lived through many things (even subliminally) as Ted fought those emotional and physical battles. It wasn't until late Saturday afternoon, when I read this material in its entirety, that I realized the enormity of it all. Living it day by day was a real challenge that I'm not sure I could meet again.
With all that has been documented from so many sources about the Holocaust, it seems so ridiculous for anyone to say it is a fiction.

Department of Veterinary Science
May 3, 1963
Re: IV/3 - 13671

Mr. Hötte
Habsburgerring 9 (Hochhaus am Rudolfplatz)
Köln 1, Germany

Dear Mr. Hötte:

In reply to your letter of April 4, 1963, the following should answer the questions asked.

It appears that the physician's statement concerning my medical examination of November 26, 1949 which I sent to Bayerisches Landesentshädigungsamt  at the end of 1949 is missing, since there were in it dates, places and kinds of illness which I had while in concentration camps. I enclose a copy of this statement, and in addition, I will describe some of my experiences which may convince the court that living in three K.L., especially Auschwitz, along with interrogation and living in prison for one year could have and still has a detrimental effect on my health.

People here who have learned of conditions in these camps from books, radio and T.V. wonder how I was able to survive such hardships, and Prof. Dr. Reese in his statement, a copy of which I enclose, said, "I shall not repeat the personal history, the physical condition nor shall I enter into an evaluation of the compensatory justification. The record of Professor Kowalczyk is well documented and in my opinion, definite consideration as to his claim should be supported." Prof. Dr. Hans Reese received the Merit Award (Verdienst Kreuz) last fall from the government of West Germany for his distinguished career as a scientist and for his activity in German-American relations. The enclosed clipping from a local newspaper shows Prof. Dr. Reese receiving this award from Dr. Gunther C. Motz, Consul General of West Germany in Chicago.

Professor Chester Easum made a similar statement in his letter to Dr. Motz, a copy of which I can show you when I visit you this summer. Prof. Easum is a specialist of Hitler's era in the University of Wisconsin's history department. He was in Germany after World War II to study Nazi history and to lecture at many German universities, Göttingen, Bonn, Heidelberg, Marburg, Giessen and Munich.

During my stay in the prison in Petrikau from June 25, 1940 to July 29, 1941, I was kept in solitary confinement in a cold, semi-dark room and was interrogated by the Gestapo 3 or 4 times. The first interrogation took place a few days after arrival there and ended this way. One S. S. man was asking me questions and another was hitting my crossed legs with the edge of a ruler. After awhile, the pain became unbearable, but I was not allowed to move or change the legs because a third man stood on the side hitting me with a whip. When the leg had swelled and blood appeared on my pants, I was told that if I did not admit listening to B.B.C. and spreading its news among the people, and associating with remnants of the Polish army in the surrounding woods, they would use more drastic measures or kill me. I told them that it would be foolish for anyone to support the partisans when the regular Polish army was defeated in a matter of a few weeks. It was not enough for them, and the tortures continued until I fainted. Then I was returned to my cell.

Another time, a week to ten days later, they ordered me to kneel and to hold a drawer with my arms stretched in front of me. S.S. men stood on each side and when I could not hold it this way, they hit me. At the same time, another Gestapo man constantly asked me to tell the truth and to admit my affiliation with the partisans, etc. When I shouted with pain, they turned the radio on full scale to drown out my cries. The same was true during the third and fourth interrogation, when they scratched [stretched?] me on the edge of the table, tied my arms and legs to the table and simultaneously asked me the same questions. They got furious when I did not admit to their accusations and would then hit me on the head, chest, kidney region, or wherever they preferred. The constant tension, fear of the next interrogation, the cold damp cell, and the poor food were exhausting my health, and finally I contracted pneumonia (winter, 1940-41).

I was sent to K. L. Auschwitz on July 29, 1941. The greeting here was "cordial" with dogs, blinding search lights and S.S. men forming double lines holding whips. Whoever was in the middle of the column escaped being hit, and I was lucky enough to be hit only once on the head! The next day an officer announced to us that we were in Auschwitz and were expected to survive for 2 to 3 months, but that Jews and priests would die within 4 weeks. Later pictures were taken of each of us in a specially designed chair. It rotated by an electrically controlled device. After the front of the face was photographed, the chair made a sudden turn either right or left. This turn was so sudden and swift that it threw me out on the floor. The Kapos standing by were on hand to punish me with a blow on the head for slowing down their work. This blow in addition to the one a few days earlier caused a sensation of noise in my head which lasted a long time. In 1944 I was again hit in the head by Lagerätester Bruno (in Auschwitz) who knocked me down. From this an earache developed in the left ear which lowered my hearing ability. Later I had earaches, especially during cold weather, during my stay in Ravensbruck, Sachsenhausen and for at least two years after liberation.

I was assigned to block 9 in Auschwitz where the block leader (blockältester) was a sadist who, during morning and evening roster in the camp yard, enjoyed kicking prisoners below the knee or punching them in the stomach with his fist. I was again lucky to receive only two or three such blows--this was during the winter of 1941-42. As a result of such a blow on the leg, an ulcer developed on my leg for which the healing process was very slow. There is now a scar on my left leg as a result of this ulcer.

The most devastating to our health was diarrhea by which everyone was affected. It occurred during the first 4 to 6 weeks after arrival in the camp. There were no drugs or food with which to treat it, and after a few days, everyone's face was turning brown, eyes sunken, lips parched from fever, dehydration and loss of strength. Almost 50% of us died from it and from the purposely hard and hurried work given each new transport of people brought to the camp (Bauhof Commando). A large number of Kapos were assigned to hurry us, and the one who slowed down was hit with a stick or shovel. Sometimes the guard would order a prisoner to do something and then would shoot him because the guard said he was trying to escape, having gone beyond the Postenkette.

Every evening about 5 were taken back to the camp for evening roster dead, while others were almost exhausted and died during the night or at the hospital. The constant fear of being unable to work or to walk and no hope for a change was debilitating, and at any time, I expected the end. Quite a few prisoners felt death was inevitable and chose to shorten their suffering by hanging themselves with their belts during the night. Others chose to run into the electrically-charged wire fence surrounding the camp. Very often they were shot by guards from the sentry houses before they ever reached the fence. Such gun shots were usually heard during the night or very early morning, indicating that a new transport of prisoners had arrived not long ago.

The sleeping conditions were very bad, sleeping on mattresses partially filled with pulverized straw that was seldom changed. They were piled at the end of the room during the day and at night laid on the floor. The floor was washed every day, so it and the mattresses were always damp. Pillows were our shoes wrapped in our pants and jacket, often wet since Auschwitz has a very wet climate. Everyone had to keep his shoes under his head so that someone could not take them away. We were so crowded that we had to lie on our sides. It was a skill to turn over. There was a different blanket every day, all of them unbelievably filthy. One blanket had to cover 3 or 4, and often the first and fourth were only partially covered. The blankets were also torn from the pulling and tugging to keep oneself covered. A person was lucky if he could sleep with his head near the wall, rather than in the middle of the room with someone's unwashed feet near his head. Most of us had to go to the men's room at least once during the night because of the diet of turnips which are mostly water or because of the chronic cold, chilled bladder or diarrhea. This was a difficult thing to do in order to find floor space to step on. We could lose our balance and fall on those asleep or in a hurry could just step on someone's face, abdomen, etc. Therefore, each evening we tried to get a place in the room that would not be on the way to the door. Then, too, the men's room was often overcrowded with those in constant pain as a result of gastrointestinal disturbance and who were afraid to leave in fear that they would have to return soon and find it occupied. The men's room was also filthy. Returning to the sleeping room often meant difficulty in finding one's own place again.

Shortly after an almost miraculous recovery from diarrhea, I contracted pneumonia. Friends in the hospital saved my life when S.S. physicians and nurses made unexpected rounds, during which the more seriously ill were sent to the gas chamber or received an injection of phenol. This was spring, 1941.

At the end of 1941 or early 1942, I developed swelling of my legs and knees as a result of malnutrition. It was necessary to make incisions in order to drain the pus. The scars on my legs are evidence of the incisions. The left leg was more severely affected, probably as a result of the injuries mentioned previously. Here again there was constant fear of a check of our legs at the gate on our return from work in the evening. Such unexpected checks were done from time to time--two columns were taken aside after entering the camp yard and were ordered to raise the pants legs above the knees. S.S. men walked in front of us and ordered those with swollen legs or bandages to step aside. These victims were loaded on a truck or ordered to walk to the gas chamber.

Checkups were also connected with the search for paper (from cement sacks) which many of us carried under our jackets for protection from the cold. This was forbidden as supposedly unsanitary. If such paper was found, the victim was either sent to the gas chamber or given 5 to 10 lashes and released to the camp, depending on the mood of the S.S. men or the physical condition of the prisoner.

In the winter of 1943 I contracted typhus when the lice infestation was at its peak. This was caused by overcrowding, filth, lack of baths, underwear worn for 4 to 5 weeks, etc. The typhus outbreak in 1943 was very severe with complications to the central nervous system. Russian prisoners probably brought it to Auschwitz. Usually every prisoner suspected of having typhus was sent to the gas chamber in fear that S.S. guards could also get it. The same fate was that of prisoners ill with malaria brought by Greek prisoners to Auschwitz. I again miraculously survived, since at this time I was assigned to a farm to take care of the animals. The S.S. Kommandoführer (Oberscharführer Glaue who was said to live on a farm in the Oldenburg area) allowed me to be hidden during the day in the horse stable, where friends covered me with straw and in the evening helped me back to the barracks where we slept (Kommando Budy--5 miles outside Auschwitz).

When I was on this farm taking care of the farm animals, my first superior was S.S. Hamptsturmführer Dr. Langenmann from the Flensburg area. Later it was S.S. Untersturmführer Dr. Turek from Austria. While working here, there was an outbreak of abortions among pregnant mares. Of course, some of the stallmeisters accused us of sabotage--infecting them. The accusation was almost the equivalent of execution. Again the fear, tension, worry, sleepless nights over whether it meant being taken to the main camp (Auschwitz) to be executed took its toll.

Also when taking care of the animals, I was allowed to go to another camp called Birkenau with the S.S. guards, where the main transports of Jews and others were arriving from 1941 on. Here we took bread, cookies and such brought by the newly arrived prisoners to feed to the pigs. I was afraid that the sows could abort from eating moldy bread or cookies, and I warned my superiors to discontinue this.
On the way to Birkenau we passed the crematorium and the place where prisoners were waiting to be sent to the gas chambers. I will probably never forget the screams of the women and children being forced to the gas chamber. Even after more than 20 years, almost every scream or cry of children immediately reminds me of the picture I saw there. Nor will I forget the smoke which was seen from time to time where we were, especially when the wind blew from that direction. The smoke originated from an outdoor fire of human bodies and wood, because the crematorium could not handle all the transports of people from all over Europe almost every day at the end or 1943 and the beginning of 1944.

One evening in August, 1944, shortly after we went to our barracks for the night, the door opened suddenly and the guard called my number (18944) with the order to dress in a hurry. This was an ominous sign for it had never happened before that special S.S. Officers came at that time of day to take a prisoner. I was brought in an army staff car to the main camp at Auschwitz and put into the notorious 11 Block. It was almost midnight. I realized that there was no return from Block ll. During the night, more prisoners were brought there. I will never forget the time spent there, for every moment seemed like the last. Every sound of the door opening downstairs, of walking or of any activity was an indication that we will be called downstairs [and put] against the wall where many before and after us were executed. Lying on the bed, my whole life passed before me--family, relatives, friends, and also S.S. Hauptschargführer Palitsch whom I saw occasionally about 2 years before on his way to Block 11 to perform an execution. After perhaps two weeks of awaiting execution, we were sent on a punishment transport (Straf transport). Here again we did not know if we would be transported in the mobile gas chamber or on a cargo train to be sent to another camp. Everyone was afraid of being sent to Mathausen, Flossenburg or Bergen-Belsen.

These two weeks of waiting when the signs of approaching liberty were more realistic and the loss of hope of survival on this farm taking care of the animals certainly contributed to my present psychosomatic disorders of the heart and stomach, cramps of the colon and muscuoskeletal aches from which I have no hope of recovery.

I arrived at Ravensbruck at the end of August, 1944 where I found myself in an environment less severe than that at Auschwitz upon my arrival there in 1941. I do not remember any "serious" illness here, for in our terminology illness which did not knock us down was no illness at all. We did not allow ourselves to be overwhelmed by illness, since we knew the consequences of going to the prisoners' hospital. During the late fall of 1944, I fortunately became a nurse in the prison hospital at Ravensbruck. I remember an S.S. physician, Dr. Lucas, who one day in February, 1945, left Ravensbruck because he would not agree with the Lagerkommandant to send all seriously ill prisoners to a barracks in the woods for death by starvation.

At the end of February, 1000 of us were sent to Sachsenhausen. Here again was quarantine £or 3 weeks in unbearably crowded barracks, hard work and very poor food, for allied troops were closing in from the west and the east. Here I was losing strength rapidly and again got diarrhea. When I stood in line near the hospital, Dr. Lucas passed by, recognized me and promised to help me. As his protégé, I received better treatment which saved my life. I was able to get Dr. Lucas' present address and I intend to visit him this summer to express in person my sincere appreciation for his help. Even though the hunger was terrible, I did not lose strength and weight as I would otherwise, since I worked in the hospital in much better conditions than those in the overcrowded camp where thousands of prisoners were being brought from the smaller camps in the vicinity.

On April 21, 1945, the day after Hitler's birthday, the whole camp was evacuated in groups of 500 prisoners each. Each of us had received a loaf of bread, a piece of oleomargarine and a slice of sausage. We walked until the 3rd of May when we were liberated by the American army close to Schwerin. During our journey, we slept outdoors in the woods and did not receive any food. Once the International Red Cross reached us and through the S.S. men, we received some food. In one village, a farmer gave us 1-2 potatoes which he was just going to feed his swine. I recall that when some of us tried to get raw potatoes stored in the fields along the road, they were shot and killed. Obviously we were all losing strength from exhaustion, hunger, cold, and when one could not walk any more, a guard would drop behind with him. When those who could still walk got far enough away, a shot would be heard and the guard would soon join our column. Each of us wondered when his turn would come. Again I survived and was hardly able to walk when the American Tank Corps liberated us. At this point I had such severe pneumonia that one more day of walking would have meant a bullet for me, too.
Even though we were liberated, we did not yet have any drugs. Friends took care of me, and mostly with the help of God, I recovered. This last untreated pneumonia, the previous pneumonia and the numerous colds resulted in lung lesions that postponed for one year my emigration to the U.S. (Photostatic copy from the Catholic Welfare Office enclosed.)

It is difficult to remember any more precisely than this the specific illnesses out of such a sea of constant misery. As I said before, there were many things to which we paid no attention as long as we could walk. It would not be the same if you were to ask a German freed from a Russian camp if he had been sick there and if he would give details of where, when and why he was sick there.

There has been enough written about conditions in concentration camps, along with testimony at trials in many countries. I have submitted ample proof of my stay in Auschwitz, Ravensbruck and Sachsenhausen. There is also enough evidence that I am no criminal. These horrible, degrading, exhausting, nervewracking and debilitating experiences have had their affect, mentally and physically—they are clearly remembered and probably will be to the end of my life. They did cause and are still causing my heart disorder, gastrointestinal disturbances, musculoskeletal aches, and nightmares. The enclosed physicians' statements confirm this. Therefore, even though I did not lose an arm, leg or eye, the experiences described above are well known by physicians to be the cause of psychosomatic disorders. I am not stating the amount of money spent for medical treatment or the amount of money I expect for my rehabilitation. There is really no amount of money that can adequately compensate for this hardship, so this is being left to the conscience of the court to at least make a gesture in the direction of compensation.
Since I will be in Germany this summer, I would like to see you personally and to bring additional documents. I would also like to see if some of the papers which were sent to Munich 12 years ago are missing. Would you be able to see me in Köln in the morning of either the 17th or 18th of July? Please let me know if this date is convenient for you, and if not, whom should I see instead?

Yours truly,
T. Kowalczyk, D.V.M.
Associate Professor


Tadeusz Kowa1czyl was born December 7, 1909 at Dombrowa, Poland and died December 2, 1970 in a Madison hospital following heart surgery.

He received his diploma as veterinary surgeon in 1937 from the University of Warsaw and in 1946 his Doctor of Veterinary Medicine was conferred by the Veterinary School in Hanover, Germany. After immigrating to the United States he obtained his MS from the University of Wisconsin in 1952.

His professional career was begun in Poland as a practicing veterinarian and during this period he served as official veterinarian to the President of Poland. This life was interrupted by the invasion of his country and five years of imprisonment in German concentration camps. A limited opportunity to carry on some professional activities while a prisoner undoubtedly saved his life and the lives of some of his fellow prisoners. After liberation by the allied forces he was attached to the U. S. Army for veterinary duties. In 1949 he immigrated to the United States supporting himself first as a laborer until it was possible for him to come to the University of Wisconsin in Madison. He married Miss Ellen Olson of Marshfield in 1950 and became a U. S. citizen in 1952.

From 1949 to the time of his death he was responsible for the veterinary services given to the University herds. Beginning as an instructor while he completed his graduate studies he became assistant professor in 1957 and full professor in 1968.

During the period of his tenure while the University herds more than tripled in size the University animal health services were reorganized and augmented and the importance of the practice of preventive medicine fully recognized. To this end he worked with professors, students and herdsmen explaining and seeking their cooperation and support in bettering the health of the University livestock. He saw the service obligations of his position to include both formal and informal teaching. He taught short course students preventive medicine and developed a course in experimental animal techniques for graduate students. He found time to help countless graduate students from many departments in planning and carrying out experiments that required veterinary procedures needing his special talents. He was consulted and willingly collaborated with faculty members from many departments in experiments that required his special training.
Beyond these services to the University he developed a research program in clinical veterinary medicine. He played a major role in a study of chronic copper toxicosis which revealed the danger of routine incorporation of copper in trace mineral salts given to livestock, especially sheep.

His most important contribution has been his studies on gastric ulcers of swine. He showed that this disease of swine was an important cause of mortality of animals reared under modern methods of intensive husbandry. Among the contributing factors that he identified were diet (fine milling of feed), environment (stress of crowding) and altered physiology (stress of pregnancy).

The analogy between gastric ulcers of swine and some of the stress maladies of modern man were recognized by him. He presented his earliest findings at the World Veterinary Congress in Hanover in 1963 and further observations in 1969 at an international swine symposium in England. As a result of his studies he was able to develop management methods which prevent the disease. In the past year he prepared the chapter on gastric ulcers for Diseases of Swine the internationally recognized authority in the field.

Among his other contributions are papers describing innovations in procedures for anesthetizing animals, for obtaining biopsies and for oxygen therapy. He published over 40 papers.  He was a member of the American and the Wisconsin Veterinary Medical Associations, the Dane County Veterinary Medical Association, the American Association of University Professors, the American Association for Advanced Science and the New York Academy of Sciences.

He held the ideals of American democracy at the center of his life and accepted citizenship as a high duty. Nevertheless, his deep love for his adopted country did not lessen the love he had for Polish culture nor did it reduce the pain he felt for the loss of freedom in his mother country. 

C. W. Burch
Bernard C. Easterday, Chairman
Robert P. Hanson
William G. Hoekstra
Robert P. Niedermeier
C. Ernest Zehner

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